Colombia: When is a "gang" not a gang anymore?
Your Proximities deep dive
Hello everyone,
You’ll have read about the violence that erupted across many parts of Mexico after the killing of the country's most wanted cartel leader Nemesio Oseguera, or "El Mencho," the elusive boss of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.
The power of the cartel, illustrated by the massive military operation needed to kill Oseguera and the retaliation of the gang afterwards, which has included killings of police and the setting up of about 250 roadblocks, shows the extent of the threat that organized crime poses to state authority.
In Colombia, the world’s biggest cocaine producer, the government has recently taken a different approach and is in negotiations with the country’s largest drug-trafficking cartel, the Clan del Golfo, with Qatar mediating the talks.
It reminded me of the Proximities deep dive on Haiti, in which I mentioned that a subscriber had contacted me to question whether it was valid to refer to the gangs that had taken over more than 80 percent of the capital Port-au-Prince as, well, “gangs” given that the power they now wielded was becoming political.
So, with the talks between the Colombian government and the Clan del Golfo about to resume, it seems a good time for a Q&A.
Also, with so many recent new subscribers, I wanted to remind you that you now have access to an archive of more than 25 deep dives here.
Until next week,
Barry.
Tell me more about the Clan del Golfo
It’s very big, very powerful, very ruthless and it controls a large amount of territory in Colombia. Present in about 20 of the country’s 32 administrative districts, known as departments, it has become the de facto authority for some Colombians, mostly in its Atlantic coast stronghold of Urabá.
It funds schools and clinics, it builds roads and local councils know that they have to consult with cartel leaders before taking major decisions.
It’s estimated that the gang, whose name translates to the Gulf Cartel, has about 9,000 members. According to the International Crisis Group, it earns a staggering $4.4 billion a year from drugs and arms trafficking, mining and migrant smuggling.
It was founded in 2021, and its ranks have swelled in recent years as members of both leftist and right-wing paramilitary groups joined, with their respective conflicts with the central government winding down.
The Clan del Golfo is also known as the Gaitanist Self-Defence Forces (ECG) and it was designated a terrorist group by the U.S. just last month.
Why is the government negotiating with it now?
After decades of violence, President Gustavo Petro in 2022 launched what he called the paz total, or “total peace,” initiative in an attempt to end festering conflicts with the country’s remaining guerrilla paramilitary groups.
Analysts point out that “total peace” for Colombia would not be possible without the inclusion of the ECG in talks, something Petro seems to realize. He also knows that, given the strength of the group, a military solution is not on the cards.
Is this a tacit admission from Petro that the ECG is a political group?
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